Alabama Politics in
Doc’s Political Parlor
& Home of Lawn Mower Repair

The conventional wisdom on the Republican side of the 2nd Congressional Race is that there are too many viable candidates for anyone to receive a majority of the vote in the June 3rd primary. So with two tickets out of the primary, it’s pretty clear that the regional split between the Wiregrass and Montgomery metro area will result in a Republican from each end of the district in the runoff. With Harri Anne Smith perceived to have coalesced the Dothan/Wiregrass area behind her campaign, all that’s left will be to see which Republican comes out of Montgomery.

The early money was on Jay Love. The former Subway shop owner and state representative has the right profile for a GOP primary, implicit backing of the Montgomery GOP establishment including the Governor, and the ability to inject his own money into the campaign. However, somewhere along the road to the Love coronation, the parade has gotten a little off track. Fellow Montgomery State Rep. David Grimes was thought by many to be unlikely to actually make the ballot. Grimes will likely be outspent heavily by most of his opponents, but as a popular local Montgomery official any vote he gets will come off of Love.

But the biggest hurdle to Love’s path to the runoff is David Woods. When the TV mogul declared for the race, many expected his to follow the same ill-fated path as his war hero father’s political career. But Woods not only looks to be able to match Love dollar for dollar from his own pocket, but actually outraised Love in the 1st Quarter this year. Love’s inability to show the fundraising pop expected of a frontrunner, has opened the door for a challenge in his own backyard. If Woods is able to achieve a rough parity with Love in the Montgomery area, the Woods’ family roots in the Wiregrass might steal enough votes to thrust Woods into the runoff with Harri Anne Smith.

By no means should Love be counted out. He’s still the lead horse on the Montgomery side of the GOP race. But his path to victory seems to be growing more difficult and it no longer seems inconceivable his bid for Congress could end sooner rather than later.

Share This

Two Alabama Political Blasts from the Pasts have released new books. While both pols were once at the top of the state’s political heap, the books could not be more different.

The more traditional release is a biography of former Alabama Governor John Patterson. The book Nobody But the People is actually written by Warren Trest, but Patterson worked closely with Trest and has been on the circuit promoting its release. From his role in cleaning up organized crime in Phenix City, to a tumultuous term as governor, to the transition to a respected jurist Patterson’s political career has had many acts and Nobody But the People chronicles them all.

Former State Senator Bill Drinkard has also become an author recently. Drinkard served three terms in the Alabama Senate and chaired the powerful Rules Committee before leaving the Senate to become an influential lobbyist. In the mid 1990s Drinkard pled guilty to a corruption charge and dropped off the political map before recently resurfacing as an aide to the Senate Democratic Caucus.

However, while Drinkard probably could pen an interesting biography about his ups and downs in Alabama politics, that is not what he’s done. Drinkard’s book Elom is a sci-fi novel that introduces (according to Publisher’s Weekly):

a low-tech world where human reproduction is controlled to concentrate desirable traits. Life is regulated by the scriptures of Geerna, a primitive human who long ago reached a covenant with the goddess Shetow. The wise women of the Medora Council interpret Geerna’s words and protect her secret prophecies, overseeing the competitions where adolescents demonstrate their skills and suitability for mating.

Drinkard’s book while obviously aimed at a specific market has met with at least some critical success as prominent sci-fi author David Drake said the book contains “engaging characters in a story told with the feel of a myth passed down by word of mouth.”

Whether or not either of these books is your cup of tea, it’s good to see two Alabama politicians enter the world of the published word. Now if only we could get more Alabama pols to blog…

Share This

The recent independent rankings of congressional influence had to be unsettling for Mike Rogers (R - Saks).

Rogers not only has the least influence of any Alabama Republican, but of the 46 House members elected in 2002, Rogers comes in 44th. Rogers would be next to last if one his fellow Republicans (Rick Renzi) weren’t currently under indictment and thrown off all committees, relegating him to the congressional cellar. In a chamber so driven by partisanship and seniority, the still relatively junior Republican has some excuse for his paltry influence rating. But again, even looking at Republicans elected in 2002 some are 250 spots ahead of Rogers. Fellow Alabamian Jo Bonner landed a slot on the Appropriations Committee and is 21 spots above Rogers, even though both were elected in the same year and face the same partisan obstacles.

Alabama has a long history of names like Sparkman and Bevill, Dickinson and now Bachus – members who rise through the ranks of the seniority system to wield considerable clout for our oft forgotten state. Rogers may indeed reach that level someday, but one has to wonder what a voter in Alabama’s 3rd would think about having their congressman in the bottom tenth of congressional influence.

Share This

Related Articles:

• How Conservative/Liberal is Your Congressman?

In politics, genuine surprises are rare. But last week we saw a real one as Rep. Bud Cramer (D - Huntsville) announced he would not be running for re-election. Insiders and outsiders alike were stunned by the nine-term incumbent’s announcement. Usually smooth, calculating pols were sent back on their heels, trying to come to grips with the Cramer earthquake and its aftershocks.

Neither party has an obvious frontrunner waiting in the wings and in the immediate fallout, confusion seems to be reigning over cohesion. No doubt this week we’ll see some official entrances and exits. But until then, let’s take a look at the field as it currently stands.

The Democrats

The Republicans

The Others

Others may figure in. From earnest longshots like Ray McKee to potential heavyweights like Ron Sparks or Arthur Orr, the field is far from settled and there are many different paths Bud Cramer’s successor could take.

Share This

Related Articles:

• What is Mo Brooks Thinking?
• Butler Switching Parties for AL-05 Race
• More on AL-05 Candidates - Updated
• Considering AL-05 Candidates
• Introducing the AL-05 Big List

Winners

1. U.S. Rep. Artur Davis - he endorsed the right guy, deserves some credit for the Obama win, and bested Joe Reed and much of the AL Dem establishment (both white and black) who supported Hillary. This primary is not a perfect proxy for a Folsom / Davis gubernatorial primary, but it’s the closest we’ve got and shows that a coalition of African-Americans and whites can defeat a well-known and generally well-liked white candidate in a Democratic primary.
2. Alabama voters - we finally have a voice in the process.
3. Randy Brinson - the Alabamian’s magic email list helped Huckabee do the unexpected again. Too bad it won’t be enough.
4. ALGOP - record turnout, finally turned out more than the Dems in a presidential primary.
5. State Democratic Party - record turnout, held their own despite having no local races to drive turnout.
6. Hillary Clinton - she lost by 14 percentage points but in applying the arcane rules of the Democratic Party, a little ginseng root, some wing of bat, she may actually get half of the delegates assigned in Tuesday’s election. Jim Spearman of the Alabama Democratic Party tells the Parlor that the unofficial tally shows delegates to be assigned like this:
   

   District	CD1	CD2	CD3	CD4	CD5	CD6	CD7	Total
   Obama	2	2	3	1	2	2	5	17
   Clinton	2	2	2	4	3	2	2	17

Losers

1. Joe Reed - Dem power broker couldn’t deliver even a respectable minority of the black vote to win the state for Clinton.
2. John McCain - Barely lost the state and did little to contest it. If he puts a few resources here, he claims the state and a feather in his cap that shows he can win among conservative, Deep South Republicans. Instead, the primary props up the perception that his support is lukewarm South of the Mason Dixon.
3. And finally, an observation that the collapse of Romney, Thompson, and Giulani will leave many state GOP bigwigs on the sidelines at the GOP convention. Huckabee delegates may not be the glitterati of the party, but they’ll be in St. Paul for the convention, while the likes of Jerry Lathan, Kay Ivey, Jabo Waggoner and other usual power brokers will be on the outside looking in.

Share This

Related Articles:

• Considering State's Primary Turnout
• Primary Turnout by County by Party
• Huckabee, Obama Win Alabama
• Huckabee and Brinson: Match Made in Heaven?

What is the over/under on GOP candidate Hugh Cort today? .99%?

Update: See a TV commercial for him on YouTube.

Share This

Related Articles:

• Alabamian in New Hampshire GOP Primary

The broadest and most striking storyline about tomorrow’s special election between James Fields (D) and Wayne Willingham (R) is whether or not a black man can win an election in an almost entirely white district.  While this is the most obvious element to the race for some, it is not the most interesting or immediately politically important.  Fields already bested two white opponents in a primary and the general election against Willingham, a county commissioner, is thought to be a toss up.  I’ll let others wax eloquent about what the contest means about race relations and any other concerns of societal import.

What I am going to address (and what most people who visit the Parlor want to read about) is politics.

The larger results of this race will need little interpreting after a winner is declared Tuesday night.  Either Republicans have started their march toward legislative majorities in 2010 or Democrats will have again thwarted Republican hopes and expectations and look poised to hold the Alabama legislature into the next decade.  While this one election will not determine which party controls the statehouse when the new legislature convenes in 2011, it doesn’t feel like hyperbole to say this is the most important legislative special election in the history of Alabama.

(more…)

Share This

Danny was nice enough to give me some space yesterday to make my strategic argument for why Barack Obama is the smart choice for Alabama Democrats. My argument was based on the premise that Democrats need to do something to change the rules of a game they’ve been losing a lot more often than winning. Obama, in my mind, is the candidate best suited to do that.

Conversely, Alabama Republicans’ best bet is a candidate who can extend the status quo that has led to Republican dominance in Alabama at the federal level. The candidate best able to do that (and not solely as a result of winning by default) is John McCain. We all know the story by now. McCain was the once and future GOP frontrunner in 2008, and at this writing he looks as well positioned as anyone to win the nomination but is by no means a lock.

So why is McCain the best choice for Alabama Republicans? He is not without his own strengths, but let’s start with the shortcomings of his opponents.

Mike Huckabee is stylistically a good fit for Alabama Republicans. He’s a pastor and has a folksy blue-collar demeanor. However, his record of opposing free-trade, raising taxes, banning smoking, and giving state scholarship money to illegal immigrants is enough to take the wind out of almost any Republican’s sail. That combined with his rhetoric of merging the Constitution with the Bible is enough to alienate both Republicans and Democrats. Even if Huckabee’s Bible-based populism can survive in Alabama, I wouldn’t expect it to fly nationwide. This renders Huckabee as the least electable Republican candidate this side of Ron Paul.

Mitt Romney. Where to begin? Mitt would probably be a good President. But it’s just not coming together for him. Alabamians had a chance to vote for an ivy-league Massachusetts flip-flopper with good hair in 2004 and didn’t much like that idea. Ok, that’s a cheap shot, but that’s the reality Romney is dealing with. Oh and the whole Mormon thing is a non-starter in a state like Alabama.

Rudy Giuliani is a liberal on issues like abortion, gay, rights, guns, and immigration. No amount of quoting George Will can change that. And plus Giuliani is just a strange guy. He dresses in drag on SNL, has virtually no relationship with his kids or ex-wives, answers his cell phone while giving a speech. He’s just an odd duck of the type that won’t wear well (and isn’t wearing well) over the course of a long campaign. Alabama Republicans started voting for the GOP in order to vote against guys like Giuliani.

Fred Thompson dropped out of the race while I write this. Thompson would have been a good fit for Alabama Republicans, whether or not he had ties to the state. But after an initial flurry of interest, he quickly settled at the bottom of the pack of the serious candidates. Thompson never seemed able to decide what his campaign was about. Was he the only true conservative, the straight-shootin’ non-politician, or the wise old man? Had his campaign developed caught fire, he’d have been a perfect fit for Alabama Republicans, but alas it did not. Which leaves us with….

Ron Paul. Just to be comprehensive, I’ll deal with Ron Paul too. Most observers realize that despite his principled record of libertarianism, the only thing really holding the GOP together is their adherence to the Bush Doctrine at least as it pertains to Iraq. Paul’s loud and frequent denunciations of all things Iraq and neoconservative may warm the hearts of those on the left, but they are of course not a selling point among party regulars.

So that disqualifies everyone but McCain. However, McCain is not without his own merits. Despite what many of the conservative elite say (Rush Limbaugh, NRO) McCain is a conservative. The issues where he’s been a maverick are on process issues like campaign-finance reform and judges. And while he went off the reservation out of personal pique at the start of the Bush administration, he buried the hatchet with W in 2004 and has talked a pretty conservative game while running for President. While some may grumble, McCain is conservative enough to secure the GOP base vote in 2008, even if he isn’t quite a John Ashcroft Republican. In fact, McCain may be the only Republican who will be able to keep the base satisfied while reaching out to moderate Republicans, independents, and conservative Dems to build a winning nationwide coalition.

McCain would easily win Alabama against any Democratic nominee, combining the strengths outlined above with his attractive profile of a war hero which of course plays very well in military-heavy Alabama. John McCain will not inspire the most enthusiasm among the Republican faithful nor will he construct a new Republican governing coalition, but he is a safe choice and will at least paper over the fractures of the Republican Party. He could allow the Republicans to snatch victory from the jaws of defeat in an election, which if one looks at the macro political picture, they have no business winning.

Share This

Related Articles:

• Why Alabama Democrats Should Vote for Obama

Note from Doc: Always glad to hear from Chauncey Sparks when he can stop by. Watch for an upcoming companion piece looking at the GOP side.

Most of the Alabama Democratic power structure have aligned behind Hillary Clinton. Jim Folsom, Ron Sparks, Susan Parker, Joe Turnham, Joe Reed, Patricia Todd, and many of the party’s leading lights are publicly supporting Hillary. There are many motives behind this support, most of them born out of enduring relationships with the Clintons and/or a pragmatic sense of inevitably that Clinton will be the Democratic nominee and very possibly the next president.

The Alabama supporters of Barack Obama, most notably Congressman Artur Davis, have made their decisions based on a similar calculus. Many Alabama Obama supporters have known the Illinois Senator for several years and others want to be part of an historic campaign finally breaking through the wall of race that has been an obstacle to many capable black leaders.

Though Clinton and Obama don’t differ greatly on the issues, it is clear to me that one candidate is the smarter choice for Alabama Democrats. That candidate is Barack Obama.

Despite the ups and downs of the caucus/primary season, Barack Obama has continuously secured the endorsements of red state Democrats. From Sens. Claire McCaskill (MO), Ben Nelson (NE), and Kent Conrad (ND), to Govs. Tim Kaine (VA) and Janet Napolitano (AZ) and blue dog Reps. Rick Boucher (VA) and Jim Cooper (TN), Obama is the choice of conservative and moderate Dems throughout the country. These individuals know what it takes to win in their Republican-leaning states.

The underlying reasons for the red-state Democratic support of Barack Obama is simple.

With Republicans more deeply divided than they have been since the Gipper was elected in 1980, Democrats are smelling not only taking back the White House, but also cementing control of Congress for the foreseeable future. As many pundits have accurately stated, the only person with the ability to unify the Republicans is Hillary Clinton.

The issue is deeper than just one candidate though. Democrats in Red States have been fighting an uphill battle for a generation. While many red-state Dems survive, they are the exception rather than the rule and their survival has been perpetually endangered by the direction of the national party. A Clinton nomination is more of the same political game, with Democrats in red states having to downplay and distance themselves from their party’s nominee. Barack Obama offers a hope (even if it is only rhetorical) that the red-blue/liberal-conservative divide that has shaped the politics of the Clinton/Bush era will be no more, perhaps pushing the reset button on the body politic and giving red state Democrats a fresh start without the baggage of the politics of division and polarization that have plagued red state Dems for two decades.

There is also the not insignificant issue of Alabama’s black voters. Black voter registration and turnout is lower than that of whites, but many say the candidates (Democrats specifically) have failed to speak to and motivate the Democratic base. An Obama nomination would serve as a test to see whether black voters will turn out for a black candidate who speaks to their issues or whether the disparity in black / white turnout is a deeper societal issue. Obama has appealed successfully to white voters before, though it remains to be seen how he’d do among Alabama whites. But could he do much worse than John Kerry or even Al Gore? If Obama is able to not just increase the Democratic performance in 2008, but actually engage new voters (”enlarging the pie”), Alabama politics could be permanently altered.

Can Obama win Alabama in a general election? Probably not. Would he even run stronger than Hillary? Hard to say. But by taking Hillary (and all of the baggage she brings with her) out of the equation, perhaps Alabamians will take a fresh look at the Democratic nominee. With important statewide offices and hundreds of local offices up in 2008, Democrats can ill afford another 2004 bloodbath where their nominee couldn’t even crack 40%.

To put it bluntly, neither Obama or Clinton will win Alabama in a general election. But Clinton promises more of the same polarization and partisan divide of which Alabama Democrats have found themselves on the losing end for decades. With Obama there is at least a chance, that he can break through the status quo and forge a new and different political environment. If I’m an Alabama Democrat, that’s a chance I have to take.

Share This

Related Articles:

• Why Alabama Republicans Should Vote for McCain

Rep. Mac Gipson (R - Prattville) is one of the only members of the Alabama legislature to which the label of “maverick” can genuinely be applied. Gipson started off his career as a Democrat, but switched parties in the mid 90s at the same time as many other local office holders in his Autagua County district. Gipson said he wasn’t quite comfortable serving in the legislature as a Democrat — although many would tell you that he wasn’t all that comfortable on the other side of the aisle either. Gipson would alternately infuriate AEA in advocating a move toward “school choice” and ALFA with his support of Amendment One and annual tax appraisals. Gipson, who started his own local chain of tire and auto body shops, usually (but not always) ended up on the side of business groups.

In his two most recent elections, Gipson received primary challenges predicated on the premise that he wasn’t a loyal enough Republican. While Mac dispactched his 2002 challenger with ease, his 2006 race was much closer. Challenged by Bill Harris (a military veteran and Republican staffer/operative) in 2006, Mac ended up on ALFA’s target list for not being sufficiently anti-tax. With deeper district roots (and some help from the business community) Mac defeated Harris, but perhaps saw that his brand of maverick politics might not figure into Autauga County’s Republican future.

While Gipson’s district has a small portion of Elmore County (over Gipson’s objections), it is primarily an Autuaga / Prattville district. Autauga has leaned Republican for as long as Republicans have been contesting Alabama elections, but with Prattville booming in the last decade, Autagua County looks likely to follow the path blazed by Baldwin and Shelby Counties as rock solid suburban Republican turf. However, as in other GOP dominant areas, it will be interesting to see what type of Republican emerges to replace Mac. Will we see an anti-tax Republican in the ALFA mold? A progressive, pro-growth conservative Republican to represent the booming suburb? Bill Harris could certainly figure into the 2010 race, but his roots in the district were always shallow. Others like city councilmen Dean Argo and Tom Miller are well thought of and potentially ambitious and no doubt others will emerge as June 2010 approaches.

Though Autagua County was carried by Ron Sparks and State Senator Wendell Mitchell, it would take quite a recruiting coup for Democrats to keep this race competitive. Instead, it is expected that next state rep will be determined in the Republican primary. And whether or not the next State Representative from District 88 votes the way Mac would have, let’s hope Mac’s successor will have at least a little of the gumption, courage, and common sense that made Mac Gipson one of the few remaining mavericks, in a place that all too often places politics over principle.

Share This

Related Articles:

• Rep. Mac Gipson to Retire

Though the legislative session is now over and we’re well over a year until the next cycle of state elections, there is a race that could be compelling in these dog days of summer into the fall.

The race to fill ex Senator and now Chancellor Bradley Byrne’s Senate seat was on the minute his appointment to the high profile post became a fait accompli. Governor Riley recently set the schedule to fill the vacancy with the filing ending in late July and the primary on August 7. As the Baldwin County Senate Seat is arguably the most Republican district in the state, there is no reason to spend any time pondering Democratic chances at a takeover.

This seat will stay Republican, but exactly which Republican will take Byrne’s place is still very much up in the air. In fact there could be half a dozen or more candidates with a legitimate chance to take the prize.

• While he is not without detractors, former State Senator Albert Lipscomb has to be taken seriously in this race. For one thing Lipscomb represented this district for 12 years before leaving the State Senate to take a shot at the US House seat ultimately won by Jo Bonner. Since then Lipscomb has been appointed to the Baldwin County Commission and took one for the GOP team by serving as the piñata for Ron Sparks re-election bid. Lipscomb was as conservative as any member during his previous Senate tenure, but there are those who doubt his effectiveness and acumen. Lipscomb starts with near universal name ID and a long record of service in Baldwin county politics, has his time passed and how will voters react to his wanting to serve in his fifth different office in as many years?
• The most established and aggressive candidate to this point has been Randy McKinney. McKinney ran against Byrne for the open seat in 2002, losing a closely contested runoff. Since then McKinney took a Riley appointment Byrne’s seat on the State School Board and won election in his own right in 2004. McKinney has styled himself as a fierce critic of the AEA and states’ educational establishment. McKinney’s outspokenness against all things AEA has endeared him to many Republicans in Montgomery and he’s likely to have their support in this race. But whether or not his appeal is as potent to local Republicans as it is to their Montgomery counterparts will determine if the second time is the charm and McKinney can again follow in Byrne’s footsteps.
• David Ed Bishop has served on the Baldwin County Commission since 2002 and is now ready to take the leap to the State Senate. As commissioners in Baldwin County are elected countywide, every voter in the district has seen Bishop on their ballot three times. Bishop is generally regarded as having made very few enemies during his service and with a field that is likely to be split several ways, perhaps being everybody’s second choice might be a good place to start.
• Baldwin County GOP Chair Don McGriff has also been aggressive in his nascent campaign. Though McGriff has served on the Baldwin County Board of Education, he has also come up short in two stabs at higher office. He was the Republican nominee for Lt Gov in 1986, losing to Jim Folsom Jr. and he dropped a State House race four years later. If McGriff was able generate goodwill though party service and can now cash in his favors, then he could be a factor before all is said and done.
• Also making aggressive moves to run is political newcomer Trip Pittman. Pittman is a successful businessman with an extensive record of military and civic service. Though he won’t start as the frontrunner, Pittman has an appealing resume and could be able to match the contributions (special interest and otherwise) of his more experienced opponents out of his own pocket. If the voters are in the mood for a fresh face and Pittman’s message resonates he could very well become a player in the race to replace Byrne.

Other potentially strong candidates like ex Baldwin DA David Whetstone, ex Foley Mayor Tim Russell, experienced powerbroker Sandra Sims-DeGraffenried, and maybe even State Rep Randy Davis have at various times shown an interest in the seat and had they taken as aggressive a posture as the above candidates they’d certainly be included above. Indeed, all but Sims-DeGraffenried have a track record of electoral success in the district and could certainly be viable candidates.

Since a runoff is assumed given the strength and depth of the forming field, a candidate could conceivably advance to the runoff with a showing in the low 20s or even lower. Such a scenario seems to have every able-bodied Baldwin Republican taking a long hard look at the race.

Like it or not, whose side the Montgomery interests come down on will certainly impact the outcome. There are those who think the BCA and their allies are likely to come to play with McKinney, but where a heavyweight like ALFA lands is less clear. Also don’t expect usually Democratic leaning groups like AEA and ATLA to resist taking a shot at finding a sympathetic ear and open door in the State Senate just because he’d sit on the other side of the aisle.

Rumors of an early poll that show Lipscomb and Whetstone well ahead and all other candidates in single digits aren’t especially significant even if it is presently accurate. A poll at this point reflects only name ID and not much else. With such a divided field in a low turnout special election, candidates, campaigns, and messaging will make the difference as to which Republicans advance to the runoff and ultimately represent the 32 District in the State Senate.

Chip Drago at the Mobile Bay Times is keeping an eye on the developments and will be the local go to guy as the race progresses.

Share This

Despite acrimony and recriminations on both sides, the pay raise issue was never really a partisan issue. Sure it was originated by Democrats and opposed by the Republican Governor, but there were Democrats who voted against the raise and Republicans who voted for it. There are principled and justifiable reasons to support or oppose the raise.

But from a political standpoint, voting against the raise was by far the safer option. It’s easy to pound a fist and decry your colleagues as they move to raise their own pay. No one has ever been defeated for voting against a pay raise, whereas voting for one could always be used against you.

So if you’re a Republican and always on the lookout to find an issue to pound the majority Democratic legislature, it’s a dream scenario – especially when you have a popular governor and party leadership backing your play.

But 2 Republican senators and 7 Republican House members resisted the pressure to cow to party leaders or future electoral benefit and voted to override the Riley veto. In the House the 7 included conservatives (Barton, Faust, Galliher), mavericks (Gipson, Hill, McClendon) and iconoclast Spencer Collier.

In the Senate, Republicans voting to override were Scott Beason and Rusty Glover. Both freshmen Senators are among the most conservative members of the body and harbor potentially high aspirations. Beason especially is widely viewed as a rising star on the GOP side and is wildly popular among the conservative GOP grassroots. Beason nearly waged an insurgent campaign for GOP chair, before bowing to the Riley-anointed Mike Hubbard.

For Beason, who will surely run for higher office sooner or later, to override the governor’s veto on this matter took some serious guts. Whether or not you agree with the decision, Beason definitely didn’t take the easy way out. And for that he deserves credit. (Also Democrats E.B. McClain and Jim Preuitt, members of the Senate minority caucus, voted to override.)

Without the Republican votes, the pay raise would not have passed. And even if you’re opposed to the pay raise, you should have to admit that it took some level of political courage for these members to vote against their party and maybe their own short term political interest. Political courage is rare in Montgomery but these members exercised it yesterday afternoon.

Share This

Related Articles:

• Pay Raise: Protesters, Veto, Override

The Huntsville area is now represented by two new members in the legislature. It just so happens that both of the Rocket City’s new members are among the more interesting of the new class of freshman legislators.

One is a Senator, one serves in the House. One is Democrat, the other a Republican. One defeated an incumbent; the other won an open seat. One is likely to be a party loyalist, the other might be more of a maverick. One could be very ambitious, the other might be satisfied where he is. But both share some traits that make them men to watch.

The two men at hand are Senator Parker Griffith and Representative Mac McCutcheon.

Parker Griffith’s biography is as impressive as any Alabama politician’s in recent memory. Griffith was among the leading oncologists in the nation before finding success in various other enterprises including real estate development, restaurant ownership, and nursing home management. Griffith’s first foray into elective politics was a strong 2004 challenge to incumbent Huntsville mayor Loretta Spencer. Thought he lost that race by 10 points, Griffith raised his profile and created enough goodwill to leave him well positioned to run for State Senate.

Griffith had planned to run for the 7^th District Senate seat well before incumbent Jeff Enfinger decided to retire. In fact it was Griffith’s presence in that race that led to the once ambitious Enfinger’s premature exit (rumor had it that Griffith was easily outpacing Enfinger in head-to-head matchups).

Griffith’s only real electoral hurdle was the Democratic primary, as the once swing district was drawn to be a solidly Democratic seat following the 2001 redistricting. In what seemed poised to be a showdown in the Barron/Preuitt proxy war, Griffith faced off with well-heeled financial advisor Phil Dotts, who’s big money connections helped him raise and spend approx $350K for the primary. But the race never got close. Though slightly outspent by Dotts, Griffith easily dispatched him by over 25%. The general election was never close as Griffith won with 65% of the vote.

Though he is counted as a Barron ally, at least in terms of the Senate leadership struggle, Griffith is actually poised to be a breath of fresh air in a body that has historically been among the most vested to the status quo. While it’s always dangerous trying to place Alabama Democrats on an ideological scale, Griffith is probably one of the rare white Alabama Democrats who would be in the mainstream of the national party and not solely the more conservative confines of the state party. Griffith looks likely to be a strong voice for health care, education, and progressive reform measures that have been more likely to die in the State Senate, rather than be born.

His profile as a successful doctor and businessman and his lack of connection to the “good ol’ boy” system could make him an appealing candidate for higher office. Should Bud Cramer step aside, Griffith would be almost perfectly positioned to run for his Congressional seat. Even a Senate or Governor run wouldn’t be too difficult to imagine for a man who has done things his own way, both in the private sector and now in elective politics.

Mac McCutchen pulled off one of the more difficult feats in politics in 2006 by knocking off an incumbent in the primary election. McCutcheon didn’t just defeat incumbent Ray Garner, but trounced him by 15%. En route to his victory McCutcheon secured support from an unlikely cadre of groups. Both ALFA and the AEA backed McCutcheon over Garner (who had not developed a sterling reputation in his one term). It is the support of the AEA and the fact that in 2002 McCutcheon ran for Madison County Sheriff as a Democrat that has led some Republicans to question McCutcheon’s partisan bonafides.

McCutcheon’s election was one of a handful of Republican primaries that saw a loyal caucus member replaced with someone who might not always put party first. So while the Republicans in the House held steady at 42 seats, some have speculated that Mike Hubbard’s real numbers actually declined.

Though he has not had to take any tough, loyalty testing votes at this point, Republicans might take comfort that McCutcheon was one of two legislators to actually donate to the Republican candidate in the HD 22 special election. Going by the most recent financial reports, only McCutcheon and Mike Ball saw fit to donate to GOP nominee Wayne Johnson. By this measure McCutcheon is more of a GOP loyalist than Bob Riley, Mike Hubbard, or any other more visible party leader.

McCutcheon, a longtime sheriff’s deputy and farmer, doesn’t seem to be cut from the traditional “professional politician” cloth. Depending on how Montgomery suits him he could attempt to become a major player or simply retire back to his farm. One office that could hold some luster for him could be that of Tom Butler’s State Senate seat.

Would McCutcheon challenger Butler? And if he did would leading Republicans back their Democratic ally or the Republican challenger? Would the Senate majority caucus support McCutcheon with the hopes that the AEA-friendly former Democrat McCutcheon could be a friendlier vote than the dissident Butler? The wall-leaners in the State House will certainly be watching that hypothetical over the next couple of years.

Griffith and McCutcheon seem to be a rare breed among politicians. Both are men who were successful in their chosen fields, then despite an initial setback, hit political pay dirt. Each in his own way, are unconventional politicians - men who aren’t wed to the politics of the past or the status quo. The Huntsville area is fortunate to have these two men representing it in Montgomery. And Alabama’s political observers should enjoy observing the careers of these two unique, yet similar leaders.

Share This

Related Articles:

• Most Interesting Primary Winner

There has been no shortage of speculation that Bob Riley could wind up on a long or short list for a place on the Republican presidential ticket. Most of that speculation has centered around his seemingly close relationship with sometimes frontrunner John McCain. And one could make a plausible case that Riley could balance a ticket with the other serious GOP contenders (Giuliani, Romney). But there seems to be a confluence of events in Washington that could give rise to a seismic shift in the Alabama political universe.

Even die-hard Republicans have to admit the Bush administration is in disarray. The chaos in Iraq led to a Democratic Congress, which has led to unprecedented levels of discord and acrimony in the West Wing. More than a few pundits have floated the idea of the Bush administration getting a “fresh start” of sorts by making a major policy or personnel move. The President is obviously, for better or worse, not going to deviate from the game plan in Iraq, which leaves only one other card on the table that could potentially transform the political environment to the extent necessary to get a new lease on his political life. Can Dick Cheney.

Cheney is widely seen as the real architect of the Iraq War and has taken a major PR hit with the convictions of Cheney consigliere Scooter Libby. Even more than that Cheney personifies the type of grim, opaque conservatism than Bush critics (and now independents) so revile.

Time magazine notes this morning that “Libby’s conviction comes at the end of a dreadful year for Cheney” and reminds us that vice-presidents don’t always serve two complete terms with the chief:

[T]here is the argument that Bush should boot his Vice President before he strikes again. It’s an often forgotten fact that three of the past six Presidents either dumped or tried to dump their Vice Presidents: Richard Nixon tossed Spiro Agnew for Gerald Ford in 1973, Ford tossed Nelson Rockefeller and tapped Bob Dole as a running mate in the 1976 campaign, and Bush’s father George Herbert Walker Bush let his top aides try to give the heave-ho to Vice President Dan Quayle when he was dragging down the G.O.P. ticket by three or four points in 1992.

So pushing Cheney out the door might provide Bush an opportunity to resurrect his presidency for it’s final 22 months. And who would fill Cheney’s shoes?

Well it can’t be anyone who is running for president for obvious reasons, so that takes out the most ambitious GOP pols.

And voters made their feelings known about Washington Republicans in November.

So it has to be someone from outside the beltway but with enough of a resume’ to conceivably take over should that be necessary.

Given such a situation, Bob Riley’s name might be on that enters the mix.

And don’t be too quick to dismiss such a scenario. Remember that only last week Bob Riley was in D.C. at the National Governor’s meetings. And the gratuitous jawboning about leading the charge against “cutting off funds for the troops” seemed a little out of place in a normal State of the State. But perhaps Bob Riley was addressing a larger audience than just those who watched it on APT last night.

Of course those who would be most opposed to such a move would be Riley’s own allies in the Alabama Republican Party. LG Jim Folsom Jr would of course again ascend to the big chair should Riley vacate his office. This would give Democrats a virtual stranglehold on state politics and roll back (temporarily at least) many of the gains Republicans have made over the past several cycles.

Is this likely to happen? Of course not. But upon closer inspection such a scenario might not be as far-fetched as it would seem at first glance.

Share This

Related Articles:

• 4 Reasons Why Bob Riley Won’t Be on the Republican Ticket in 2008

Mike Hubbard has just started his new gig as Republican Party Chair and there is a learning curve when one takes on any new position. But there was probably a little discomfort on the GOP side when Hubbard seemed painfully unaware of a most basic concept concerning the upcoming presidential primaries. Hubbard, Alabama Republican Party Chair and State House Minority Leader, thought that the earliest Alabama could hold it’s presidential primary was February 1, 2008 instead of the correct date February 5, 2008. This might seem like a small detail but in the world of the presidential primary calendar February 5^th is by far the most important date. To hold a primary prior to Feb 5, Alabama would need a specific exemption by the RNC and/or DNC (which Alabama has already been denied).

Mobile Register – 2/16/07

“That’s news to me,” Hubbard said. Hubbard, who is also chairman of the Alabama Republican Party, said he knew of the Democratic rules, but thought the RNC window opened Feb. 1. “I guess we will have to assess the loss of delegates versus the attention it will focus on the state,” he said.

So acting on this misinformation Hubbard began actively lobbying the Governor and Democrats in the Legislature to move Alabama’s primary from February 5 to an earlier (party-forbidden) date. Despite headlines to the contrary, that train has not left the station yet and the enthusiasm for such a move seems to have waned. The news that both parties’ convention delegations would be cut in half and otherwise punished is quite a deterrent to the wheelers and dealers among their top brass.

Of course one can argue that Bob Riley and Ken Guin should have been aware of the correct date, but neither man is the elected representative of one Alabama’s two major parties. And while Hubbard was just officially elected GOP chair last weekend, he has been the presumptive chair for months and had assumed at least some of the Chair’s duties prior to his official elevation.

Mike Hubbard successfully sought the Alabama Republican Party Chair because he’s ambitious and has the support of the important figure(s) in the state GOP. But it’s hard to imagine that he’s made a favorable first impression on his fellow Alabama activists or his peers in the Republican power structure around the country.

Share This